Why Ming China Ended the Treasure Fleet Voyages

Why Ming China Ended the Treasure Fleet Voyages Between 1405 and 1433, Ming China sent out seven gigantic naval expeditions under the command of Zheng He the great eunuch admiral. These expeditions traveled along the Indian Ocean trade routes as far as Arabia and the coast of East Africa, but in 1433, the government suddenly called them off. What Prompted the End of the Treasure Fleet? In part, the sense of surprise and even bewilderment that the Ming governments decision elicits in western observers arises from a misunderstanding about the original purpose of Zheng Hes voyages. Less than a century later, in 1497, the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama traveled to some of the same places from the west; he also called in at the ports of East Africa, and then headed to India, the reverse of the Chinese itinerary. Da Gama went in search of adventure and trade, so many westerners assume that the same motives inspired Zheng Hes trips. However, the Ming admiral and his treasure fleet were not engaged in a voyage of exploration, for one simple reason: the Chinese already knew about the ports and countries around the Indian Ocean. Indeed, both Zheng Hes father and grandfather used the honorific hajji, an indication that they had performed their ritual pilgrimage to Mecca, on the Arabian Peninsula. Zheng He was not sailing off into the unknown. Likewise, the Ming admiral was not sailing out in search of trade. For one thing, in the fifteenth century, all the world coveted Chinese silks and porcelain; China had no need to seek out customers - Chinas customers came to them. For another, in the Confucian world order, merchants were considered to be among the lowliest members of society. Confucius saw merchants and other middlemen as parasites, profiting on the work of the farmers and artisans who actually produced trade goods. An imperial fleet would not sully itself with such a lowly matter as trade. If not trade or new horizons, then, what was Zheng He seeking? The seven voyages of the Treasure Fleet were meant to display Chinese might to all the kingdoms and trade ports of the Indian Ocean world and to bring back exotic toys and novelties for the emperor. In other words, Zheng Hes enormous junks were intended to shock and awe other Asian principalities into offering tribute to the Ming. So then, why did the Ming halt these voyages in 1433, and either burn the great fleet in its moorings or allow it to rot (depending upon the source)? Ming Reasoning There were three principal reasons for this decision. First, the Yongle Emperor who sponsored Zheng Hes first six voyages died in 1424. His son, the Hongxi Emperor, was much more conservative and Confucianist in his thought, so he ordered the voyages stopped. (There was one last voyage under Yongles grandson, Xuande, in 1430-33.) In addition to political motivation, the new emperor had financial motivation. The treasure fleet voyages cost Ming China enormous amounts of money; since they were not trade excursions, the government recovered little of the cost. The Hongxi Emperor inherited a treasury that was much emptier than it might have been, if not for his fathers Indian Ocean adventures. China was self-sufficient; it didnt need anything from the Indian Ocean world, so why send out these huge fleets? Finally, during the reigns of the Hongxi and Xuande Emperors, Ming China faced a growing threat to its land borders in the west. The Mongols and other Central Asian peoples made increasingly bold raids on western China, forcing the Ming rulers to concentrate their attention and their resources on securing the countrys inland borders. For all of these reasons, Ming China stopped sending out the magnificent Treasure Fleet. However, it is still tempting to muse on the what if questions. What if the Chinese had continued to patrol the Indian Ocean? What if Vasco da Gamas four little Portuguese caravels had run into a stupendous fleet of more than 250 Chinese junks of various sizes, but all of them larger than the Portuguese flagship? How would world history have been different, if Ming China had ruled the waves in 1497-98?

The destination i will be creating an advertisemen Essays

The destination i will be creating an advertisemen Essays The destination i will be creating an advertisement for is Singapore.Singapore is most appropriate for families.First, it has a Universal Studio in Singapore.So families can have great fun in Universal Studio. Second, Singapores's night view is beautiful, and you can take the ferris wheel to enjoy it. Third, families can play in Sentosa Island.They can swim, play games in the island. At last, the Night Safari is the world's first nocturnal zoo which is one of the most popular tourist attraction in Singapore. Children get a first hand look at how animals behave and interact at night. This is a good place for families to travel.I use the picture of Merlion Park as background picture. Then I use the picture of Universal Studio, Garden By The Bay, Marina Bay Sands and Sentosa Island as the addition attractions. I choose that because Merlion Park is a well-known marketing icon of Singapore depicted as a mythical creature with a lion's head and the body of a fish. It also was the first use d in Singapore as the logo for the tourism board. The other attractions are the most popular attractions in Singapore.

Is unity among Christians important Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Is unity among Christians important - Essay Example Today, many Christians follow the footsteps of St. Paul, preaching unity, while some cherish the freedom that the division provides. The question is: is unity among Christians important? Is reunion possible among the various Christian churches? This essay seeks to answer this question. Discussion The Christian church has faced the threat of schism even in the apostolic era. The struggle for position of authority was known among the apostles even when Jesus Christ was with them. After his ascension, the early church struggle with the interpretation of the gospel. Thus struggle for power and doctrinal conflicts are the foundation of division among Christians. Given that these two factors are human, it will be very difficult to achieve unity among Christians as long as the churches are run by humans. The major obstacle to unification of churches is the lack of license of religious opinion that will follow such unification (Smith, 1912). This obstacle follows from the two factors respons ible for disunity among Christians. In a modern society like ours, where freedom is cherished, most individuals will like to interpret the Bible in their own way in addition to assuming leadership position.

Celiac's Disease Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Celiac's Disease - Essay Example "The incidence of auto immune disorders in the general US population is 3.5 % (The University of Chicago Celiac Disease Center 2)." As per some well informed estimates, nearly 3 million Americans suffer from celiac disease. An average healthy person in the US has roughly 1 in 133 chances of being affected by this disorder. Persons having a first-degree or second-degree relative suffering from celiac disease do often have a more then average probability of being affected by this disease. Most of the patients suffering from celiac disease develop related complications owing to a delayed diagnosis. Thus an early diagnosis of celiac disease is very important as this may significantly reduce the risk of developing further complications (The University of Chicago Celiac Disease Center 2). Though the etiology of celiac disease has not conclusively been established till date, environmental, immunologic and genetic factors have been found to be significant contributors to the disease. The most prominent environmental factor is the association of this disease with gluten. Not only does gluten restriction plays a central role in the treatment of this disease, but the insertion of gluten in the normal appearing rectum and distal ileum of the affected patients results in discernable morphologic changes (Kasper, et al. 1771). An immunologic component to this disease is strongly suspected because of the presence of "serum antibodies- IgA antigliadin, IgA antiendomysial and IgA anti-tissue transglutaminase (tTg) (Kasper et al. 1771)" in the affected patients. Also the patients treated with prednisolone have been found to respond favorably. A genetic factor is certainly associated with this order, since the Caucasians have been found to have a higher prevalence of celiac diseas e as compared to blacks and Asians (Kasper et al. 1771).Though the symptoms of celiac disease may vary from patient to patient, the common symptoms may involve: bloating, abdominal pain, diarrhea, constipation, discolored teeth or loss of enamel, joint pain, significant unexplained weight loss, delayed growth, fractures or thin bones, bulky or loose stools, fatigue, tingling or numbness in the limbs, canker sores, irritability or behavior changes, poor weight gain and missed menstrual periods (National Foundation for Celiac Awareness). Illnesses like: Anemia, depression, Type I diabetes, Sjogren's syndrome, dermatitis herpetiformis, infertility, IBS, peripheral neuropathy, Turner Syndrome, osteoporosis, thyroid disease, juvenile idiopathic arthritis, intestinal cancer, Down syndrome, Williams syndrome, may also be linked to celiac disease (National Foundation for Celiac Awareness).The most credible way of diagnosing celiac sprue is a small intestine biopsy. A biopsy should unexceptionally be performed on the patients exhibiting distinct symptoms of celiac disease, like nutrient deficiency and malabsorption (Kasper et al. 1772). Many a times the patients suffering from celiac disease fail to exhibit any distinct or conspicuous symptoms of this malady. In the recent years, the incidence of asymptomatic cases of celiac disease has been on the rise (Craig et al 1). Thus it is imperative for a

Muhammad The Prophet Essay Example for Free

Muhammad The Prophet Essay Muhammad is considered in Islam to be a messenger and prophet sent by God to guide humanity to the right way. He is considered as the last in a series of prophets sent by God. The Quran is believed to have been presented to Muhammad by God. Muhammad is know as the greatest of all prophets to the Muslims, and his religion as the only accepted religion of God. He is seen by Muslims as a possessor of all virtues. The scattered verses of the Prophet had been inscribed not only on date leaves and shreds of leather but on â€Å"the hearts of men. † Muller says, â€Å"Now Muhammad had certainly not lived like an angel† referring to how Muhammad had raided one of their caravans in the holy month of pilgrimage. He also says this because in 632 Muhammad confused his followers by dying. In war Muhammad lied to his men promising them that if they were to die in battle that they would marry seventy dark-eyed virgins. Muhammad also had preached gospels that where unholy. I his gospels he encouraged war and had no message of peace. He also had eleven wives making him unholy, but this had to do with the time and place that he lived in. to everyone but strong Muslims Muhammad was a bad person and a mortal. But to the Muslims he was a descendent of God. Yet Muhammad was a great man, superior to his time and place. He not only preached but practiced a morality that was superior to his era. If he could be ruthless, he was more often gentle, kind, generous. He could be Christ like in his sympathy for the weak and poor. Through the fog of tradition one can see an attractive humanity, as in his unfailing courtesy touched by shyness. His humble sharing of the household chores. You can understand why he was so deeply loved by those around him. Muhammad is like Jesus in the sense that he showed complete dedication to his God. He also had a power of personality that had as deep of an impression on his followers as Jesus made on his. His basic teaching is clearer and more nearly uniform than that attributed to Jesus. The theme of more than half of the Koran is about an absolutely pure monotheism. â€Å"There is no god but God.† Allah is the God preached by the prophets, from Abraham and Ishmael through Moses to Jesus, and revealed in the Scriptures of the Jews and the Christians. Abraham was the true founder of the faith, Muhammad the last prophet, and the Koran the final perfect revelation

Purpose And Production Of Movie Posters

Purpose And Production Of Movie Posters A poster can be defined as a placard or bill, usually large and often incorporating photographs or illustrations, posted up for advertising or publicity or for decorative purposes. The functions of those which advertise include communication, selling and persuading. This does not preclude them being decorative. Indeed the first job of a poster is to attract the attention of the passerby and only once this is done can a message be delivered. A good poster then is one which is attention-grabbing, succinct, convincing and memorable. To achieve these aims designers may use a large format and bold colour, simple and minimal text and attractive illustrations which psychologically support and reinforce the written words. At the same time designers must consider the constraints imposed by the methods and places of display and competition from other posters whose messages may be as urgent and emphatic. Poster design combines the fine and applied arts, incorporating painting, graphic design, collage, and photography. In countries where television is not a major advertising medium, the poster remains a transient yet effective means of reaching the widest audience on behalf of culture, commerce, and ideology. Posters have become an integral part of the cityscape. They are pasted next to each other on large plywood hoardings attached to windowless walls of old buildings or onto fences surrounding parks and construction sites. Officially designated for poster display, these well-kept colourful quilts of public billboards not only disseminate information on cultural, sports, and political events but also serve as constantly changing outdoor exhibitions of graphic art. Through such widespread and continuous exposure, poster design has become one of the most accessible and effective art forms, reaching out and influencing even that part of the public that does not frequent museums or galleries. In juried exhibitions, the best posters achieve national exposure, and for many graphic artists, book illustration and poster design are important vehicles for a wider recognition of their personal style both at home and abroad. A feature common to all the designers is their striving for self-expression in an environment that demands political conformity. They seem intent on designing posters that have an emotional impact and appeal to the sense but that also challenge the viewer to an intellectual response. Their imagery includes lyrical and neo-surrealist overtones, drama, irony, or playful humor, and the message is delivered in a variety of styles. A poster constitutes a mirror for the times it is created in. Like a mirror it reflects the political and the social situation, it informs about the repertoire of movie theaters and dramatic theaters, it announces sporting events, it encourages purchasing certain goods. The socio-political poster plays a specific propaganda role. Those who commission it expect that effective impact of the work of art upon the viewer will allow them to get closer to their desired goal. The goal varies depending on the circumstances: winning a war, or a presidential election, or a parliamentary campaign; a struggle to alter social behaviours or attitudes. History of the art of movie poster Cinema and film posters are the physical incarnation of the special movies we have enjoyed through the years. Although there is a big market for collecting film posters, they were never intended or created to be sold to the public. They were merely meant to promote and entice viewers to come to the local theatres that were screening the films. Today these rare original movie posters are in great demand. They are the tangible souvenirs of favourite films and stars whose characters we fell in love with. Ironically in the early days of movie making actors were not usually depicted on the film posters. The title of the film and the producer and directors names were usually the attraction until Hollywood realized that it was the actors who brought in the viewers. It was at that time that the stars of movies were then plastered on each poster giving life to a new era in the film industry. Movie posters created before the eighties were mainly returned to the studios or poster sources and destroyed when the archives became full or the films run had ended. Unfortunately many early film posters made for hit movies such as Casablanca, King Kong, Frankenstein and The Wizard of Oz were destroyed as a result of natural disasters that occurred during World War II. As people became more aware of their value theatre owners began to ignore return policies and those film posters that were spared are widely sought today by collectors and dealers. Before 1940, each film studio maintained its own offices (or exchange) in every major city. The studios would send the films and their posters to all the exchanges and from there; they would be distributed to the surrounding theatres. The big city theatres would just go to the exchange and pick up the films and posters right before they would show them (for big films they might order extra posters in advance of the opening to create an elaborate display). Theatres in smaller towns would often receive their films via Greyhound bus, which back then serviced just about every town in the country. The films would be in containers that would have the posters (often just one or two one-sheets and a set of lobby cards) tucked in a pouch on the outside of the container. Most theatres would show a film for 3 or 4 days (as part of a program that might include 2 features, a cartoon, a newsreel, and possibly a serial chapter), and then send it on (via bus) to the next theatre. Often the theatre manager would put the film on a late night bus right after his last showing and it would arrive at the next theatre the following morning, in time to be displayed for that nights show. The film might go by bus through a circuit of many theatres before returning to an exchange. After the film returned to the exchange, it would go back out to other theatres, and often the posters had to be replaced, as they were torn and tattered from being put up and taken down several times. This more than anything explains why posters from before 1940 are extremely rare. Theatre owners couldnt give their posters to collectors, no matter how hard they begged, because they were needed at the next theatre. This whole system of having to deal with each studio separately might sound very inefficient, but remember that in the 1920s and 1930s many theatres were owned by the studios and so only showed that studios product; and most of the independents would only get their films from a couple of studios, so it wasnt that complicated. But if all the posters were returned with the films, how are there any posters at all from before 1940? For one thing, one type of poster, window cards (14 x 22) were bought in large quantities by an individual theatre and (after they added their name and play dates to the top) distributed to store windows around town. Those were given away after the film was done playing. Another way they survive is in the backs of old picture frames, for framers would often use window cards (obtainable for free) as backing boards. But as for other posters remaining today, a huge amount come from other countries, for those did not have to be returned to the U.S.; at the time, the value of the posters was less than the cost of the postage to return them. There have been huge finds of pre-1940 U.S. posters in Canada, Columbia, and many other countries. In addition there have been some great finds in the U.S., such as the Cozy Theater Collection in Los Angeles. This was a theatre that maintained its own exchange of posters from the early 1930s to the 1950s for distribution to Los Angeles theatres. In 1968 the theatre owner offered his entire collection of posters (containing tens of thousands of posters and lobby cards, and hundreds of thousands of stills) for sale for $25,000, and it was hard to find a buyer! At todays prices, the collection would sell for millions of dollars. Other than the huge finds (which probably account for 90% of the pre-1938 posters known), posters also are sometimes found in one other main way. In the 1910s and 1920s (and to a lesser extent in the 1930s), builders would often look for material to put within the walls of buildings (or under the floors) to serve as insulation. Some enterprising builders hooked up with poster exchanges to take large amounts of outdated posters and put them in the walls of their new homes. I know of at least ten occasions where someone has been remodelling their house in the 1990s and discovered posters in the walls or under the floor. Sometimes they are mouldy and mildewed and require large amounts of restoration, but sometimes they are so tightly pressed together that they survive in relatively excellent condition. The vast majority of pre-1938 posters known were found in one of the above ways. Very rarely a theatre owner (such as the legendary Charles Dyas, who started collecting in 1922) might order extra posters to keep, or someone who had access to posters might keep a particular poster as a keepsake, but by and large absolutely everybody who handled posters viewed them as disposable advertising, much like newspapers. Old newspapers (like comics books or baseball cards) survive in quantity only because they were sold by the millions, and some people never throw out anything. Movie posters, on the other hand, were never obtainable by the general public. It does seem particularly amazing that the studios themselves never thought to maintain an archive of their posters. In recent years some of them have spent hundreds of thousands of dollars buying back a tiny percentage of the posters that they literally sold for pennies each! am not understating the rarity of pre-1938 posters when I say that for at least a large number of films not a single poster or lobby card is known, and for many others only lobby cards or window cards are known. It is very unusual to find a film from before 1938 from a major studio on which more than ten copies of a one-sheet is known. (Posters from lesser studios are often found in large quantity because when the studio goes out of business they often have hundreds of copies of each poster on hand. An example is the Norman Film Company, which made all-black cast films. Huge supplies of these posters were found, and they are among the most common of all silent posters.) The system of every studio maintaining its own supply of posters in every one of its branch offices became very cumbersome, and in 1940, National Screen Service was formed. Warehouses (called poster exchanges) were set up in most major cities across the U.S., and each studio contributed its posters from the last couple of years to get it started (Exchanges definitely had posters from 1937-39 in abundance, but nothing like the quantities they would have of post-1940 material. The exchanges had virtually nothing from before 1937, which explains the vast rarity difference between pre-1937 and post-1940 material. For each new release in 1940, the printers put National Screen Service (NSS) numbers on the bottom right of every poster. For 1940 only, they used a first number that began with 40, followed by a slash mark and more numbers (for example 4011/524). The 40 referred to 1940, and the rest of the numbers referred to in what order the poster had been printed, to make it easier for people to find the posters when stored in a large warehouse (many films had similar or the same titles). In 1941, the simplified the code to be just 41, followed by a slash mark and three numbers (for example 41/245). This was unfortunate, for in the present day it has resulted in acknowledgeable collectors assuming that they had a limited edition poster (in the previous case, #41 out of an edition of 245). This system continued all the way through the late 1970s, and makes identifying the year of 1940-1979 posters extremely easy. It also makes identifying re-issues simple, for they would put the re-issue year in the NSS number, and put a big capital R in front of it. So in the above example, if the 1941 film, NSS #41/245, was re-issued in 1954, it would have a new number such as R54/621. It appears each exchange received a huge number of each poster (at least). I say this for two reasons. One is the economics of full-colour printing are such that once you get the presses rolling, it is very cheap to keep on printing, and it is much more expensive to reprint items. Thus, it just would not make sense to print less than say five or ten thousand of a full-colour item. Second, when exchanges were bought out in the 1960s (see below), it was not at all uncommon for a single exchange to have well over 100 of a single item, even after years of distributing that item. Of course there was not an even distribution of items, but I think it fair to say that for most items that were in exchanges, hundreds of each survives today. I also think it fair to say that for most pre-1937 items less than ten of each survive today (with the exception of those items that were found in huge quantities, such as the Norman Film Company posters). In the 1940s, the studios would charge a rental fee to the theatre, which would return the poster after using it (hence the warning that has frightened collectors for years, beginning This poster is the property of National Screen Service). At some point NSS realized that it was easier to just print more posters and sell them outright (probably this was due to rising postal rates. I have owned many posters that were mailed folded in the 1940s, without an envelope, and the cost was three cents!) I have brochures from exchanges from the early 1960s, where they offer new one-sheets for 25 cents each, with other prices on other sizes. The brochure might say 1964 and 1965 one-sheets, 25 cents each, 1963 and earlier 15 cents each! This shows they had no clue that these posters had collectible value, but also that there were next to no collectors before the early 1960s (just like comic book collecting). The few collectors there were in the 1950s kept buying all the posters they could afford from exchanges and didnt talk about it. Then in the mid-1960s, some enterprising individuals began to buy the individual poster exchanges. I have no idea what they paid, but I have no doubt it was an absolute steal, as the exchanges thought they had warehouses full of practically worthless old paper. (Of course I admire these individuals, for that one business decision made them, financially set for life. They saw an opportunity no one else saw, and they took advantage of it.) The new owners began offering old posters at collectors prices, usually around $1.00 or $1.50 for an older one-sheet. They did next to no advertising, and they often sold a great deal to the local collectors, who heard about them by word of mouth. Some individuals, such as Tanner Miles, would buy posters from the exchanges in huge quantities and try to double their money at collectible shows. (My own personal introduction to movie posters came in 1968 at an Oklahoma City collectibles show, where I, being a full-time comic book dealer, was intrigued b y the many boxes of movie posters I saw at Tanner Miles tables. I spent over $40 with him, a huge amount of money for me at the time, and I went home with a large box of posters and lobby sets). But it didnt take long for the dealers to see that they were rapidly running out of the most popular titles (particularly horror and sci-fi) and they started raising prices on popular titles. The two exchanges that were best organized and sold the most posters to collectors were Theatre Poster Exchange in Memphis, Tennessee, and Movie Poster Service in Canton, Oklahoma (both are still in business and both give excellent service). I remember seeing better quality posters priced at $20 in the early 1970s, and wondering how much higher prices could go! But it is important to realize that pre-1937 posters were always scarce, even in 1965. I remember seeing a Valentino lobby card in 1969, and the price was $20, when virtually no post-1940 item sold for as much. The price was high because even then, silent items were virtually unheard of. I have heard old-time collectors talk of the days when they bought Frankenstein and Dracula lobby sets from exchanges, but I know this never happened (ma ybe it was House of Frankenstein and House of Dracula and the stories got embellished over the years). Sometime in the late 1970s, those who printed movie posters began printing huge numbers of extra posters which they did not fold in the regular way, but instead left unfolded (rolled). It is not clear to me if this was done with the studios permission or knowledge, or if it was done independently by the printers. I would think it may well have started around the time of Star Wars or especially Return/Revenge of the Jedi, when these posters instantly began selling for collectible prices. Maybe someone contacted someone at the printers and persuaded them to print a bunch of extra posters. Unfortunately if this was done without the studios knowledge, then well probably never know the full story, for the principals involved are unlikely to admit to it. At this time, several collectibles dealers became tied to whoever supplied rolled one-sheets, and began offering them to collectors. The odd thing is that it remained a very clandestine business, shrouded in mystery. Even today, I have no idea who prints the rolled one sheets, how they can be contacted, how they can be purchased directly, and so forth. Of course those who act as middlemen for distributing these posters dont want the answers to get out, but its just a matter of time before it happens. The artist given credit for creating the movie poster was Jules Cheret who created two posters in the 1890s. One was a film short called Projections Artistiques, and the other a Theatre program called Pantomimes Lumineuses. During this early time movie posters would not contain the title of a film short but just the name of the company who made them. 1896 marked the first time a poster would be made for a specific movie and not just a movie company. The film was called LArroseur Arrose. It was about a kid getting into trouble with a water hose spraying a gardener. The 1900s would mark the beginning of the utilization of modern film techniques which would be used in the American movie The Great Train Robbery. The movie only last eleven minutes and was extremely popular. By the end of the first decade of the last century movies had become a great source of entertainment for the public with movie companies growing in greater numbers. From this time period, the movie poster would get a standard size known as the one sheet measuring 27 x 41. The Genesis of the Modern Film Poster A common format of the film posters from the period preceding the Nickelodeon Boom of 1905-6 was what Kathryn Helgessen Fuller refers to as the audience image. (Kathryn, 1999) From Edisons 1901 poster for a Vitascope exhibition in Birmingham to a Cook and Harris advertisement for a 1905 showing at the Elks Opera House in New York, the audience is shown in almost stock fashion in these images, namely, enthralled by the wonder of the new medium. On these grounds, Fuller identifies the audience image with what Tom Gunning has called the cinema of attractions, a mode of spectatorship and film production which preceded the arrival of narrative cinema and in which the apparatus and its illusion of motion was itself the star attraction (Tom, 1990). In these terms, the audience functions in conjunction with a larger attempt to foreground the apparatus and the uncanny illusion of reality it produced rather than to advertise the content of the film. The latter is utilized only secondarily, that is, only in so far as it magnifies the former (Michal, 1992). While Fuller is eager to establish the virtual disappearance of the audience image from film advertising as coinciding with the movement away from actualities and toward narrative cinema, the audience does not necessarily disappear from film posters after the first decade of the twentieth century (Sandy, 1994). Rather, they that take on a new role, one that is best illustrated by a Mutual Movies ad from 1913. Here, the audience is divorced from the apparatus. Gone are the catatonic viewers of the Edison images. Instead, these well-dressed filmgoers serve to assuage the fear of the middle class audience that theatre owners were now courting and to counter campaigns waged by activists like Jane Addams who saw the Nickelodeon as a house of vice. While the waning of the 19th-century fascination and astonishment with the cinematic apparatus certainly transformed the audience image, its disappearance only occurs after the middle class audience had been successfully procured by the film ind ustry (Sandy, 1994). From this point on, it is the moving image itself, rather than the apparatus or the spectators that comes to take precedence 87 in publicity material. As the pair of posters for D.W. Griffith 1915 film Birth of A Nation illustrate, for the most part, this meant either lithographs which took from the circus and other promotional material a bold and dramatic style, or posters based upon still photographs from the film (David, 1995). It is crucial to understand this movement toward the still in the context of the 1909 drive of the Motion Picture Patent Company (MPPC) to consolidate and standardize distribution and exhibition (Pafic News Service, 1995). First, through what Richard Abel calls a combined strategy of lawsuits and licensing and second, through the formation of the conglomerate General Film Company in 1910, the MPPC established film distribution and exhibition as, for all intents and purposes, a closed market(Nancy, 1999). In light of this consolidation, underway in virtually all aspects of the industry, the still offered an additional benefit. Since producing ads for specific theatres would be impractical for a company such as the GFC, which served an extensive and diverse group of exhibitors, the still presented an image devoid of the geographical specificity of the audience image, one that could be mass produced without variation. What ensues is a standardization that begins with the reconfiguration of the poster itself. For example, in 1909, the Klame Company began creating pos ters in dimensions that would be equal to the size of eight lobby cards (seven scenes and a title card), allowing streamlined shipping and standardized lobby displays (Engineering News-Record, 1999). The standardization of form was followed by the standardization of content as printers such as Hernegan and Donaldson in Cincinnati created a line of stock posters that represented the prevailing subjects of the films of the time and that could easily be tweaked to represent a given show (Alan, 1999). With shipping expedited and printing costs minimized, film manufacturers soon began sending vast quantities of literatureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦free to every exhibitor,(Moving Picture world, 1911) and trade publications such as Moving Picture World began offering advice to exhibitors on lobby displays, promotional tie-ins and publicity stunts (Parsons, 1927). In an article entitled Theatre Managers, Wake Up! the trade journal encourages the obsessive decoration of the Nickelodeon It is all well en ough to let the storefront make the circus display outside his place in order to attract a crowd (Parsons, 1927). However, the shift from the audience image to the still image initiated a standardization that does not alone account for the interconnectedness or metonymic exchange between image and film that began this inquiry. The latter must be understood in conjunction with an exhibition practice that preceded both the establishment of conglomerates and subsequent standardization of exhibition. As Tom Gunning points out, it was common practice in the 19th century to begin a showing with a projected still image which would, after a dramatic pause, suddenly be granted movement (Tom, 1999). In fact; Albert E. Smith developed a water cell between the film and the light source that would allow the projector to hold the still without catching fire precisely for this purpose (Andre While the aesthetic of astonishment and the cinema of attractions were relatively short-lived modes of spec tatorship, this residual connection between the still and its magical transformation gained a new currency within the film poster. In focusing on dramatic, climactic scenes, posters such as Griffiths Birth of A Nation presented images that were themselves caught between motion and stillness and as such asked the audience to internally re-enact this early practice. From the point of view of spectatorship, the result of this standardization between images in combination with the implied motion of the still itself is a peculiar displacement that Andrà © Bazin would later diagnosis as the art of not seeing films. In a 1944 article of the same name, Bazin, perhaps the ultimate cinephile, makes the provocative claim that a film can be legitimately be read, at least with seventy-five percent accuracy, by the posters which advertise it. In essence, by reading the image through an elaborate graphology the image gives way to the film proper and in those cases where the film one sees through the poster is of inferior quality one can safely choose not to attend its showing. Seeing the film no longer necessitates the theatre or even the film itself. The arrival of the still as the dominant graphical reference to film experience in combination with the standardization or codification of advertising practices make possible the metonymic exchange between the poster and the moving image of the film. With the web of standardization established between images, the film poster appropriates the ability of the filmic image, both moving and still, to exceed itself only to recuperate this excess elsewhere. This inquiry has focused on the poster and obviously each visual mode of extension constitutes its own unique discourse that must be approached on its own terms. However, one cant help but think that in a general sense it is this dispersal, endemic to the filmic form and perfected with the commercialization of the film industry, that grants film, a by now thoroughly antiquated technology, its continued relevance and vitality. In these terms, the evolution we have traced through the film poster is not all together different from the curre nt migration of the cinematic across media and in turn time and space. The artefact that Barthes finds in the trail of posters is therefore both the anomalous element within our conventional understanding of the cinematic experience and also a record of the past. The latter, however, points simultaneously back to the birth of commercial cinema at the same time it prefigures the migration of the cinema across digitized formats where the materiality of the film and its space of presentation bring this process of portability to near completion. The Change of movie posters over decades 1910s 1920s In the early days movie stars werent known, so the names of actors did not appear on the posters. Besides the movie studios liked it that way so they wouldnt have to pay more money to actors. Things certainly have changed with actors like Sylvester Stallone, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and Bruce Willis commonly getting checks over or around 20 million dollars per movie. During this early period in movie history movie studios realized that movie stars were as much an attraction for the moviegoer as the movie itself. So the movie star was born, and movie posters started showcasing the names of the actors as well as the title of the movie. The bigger the star the bigger their name appeared on the poster. Other promotional materials were soon used such as the lobby card and the press book. In the 1920s, the golden age of the silent movies, posters became more artistic and spectacular. Accomplished Artists were hired to paint portraits of the stars for the movie studios to be used as movie posters. By the mid 1920s talkies as they were called were introduced. Movie attendance shot up to 110 million by 1929 from 60 million in 1927. During this time movie poster images would become sharper due to a new printing process by the Morgan Litho Company. 1930s The Golden Age of Movies as it is known in the movie industry saw the beginning of great musicals, gangster movies, westerns, and horror movies created for the growing public hunger for movies. One of the biggest money makers of all time came from the end of this decade, a little picture called Gone with the Wind. Two styles of movie poster were created, one sheets and half sheets. Major movies would sometimes get more than the two different styles. However due to the depression of the time a lot of movie materials had been created more cheaply, causing movie posters to lose some of the quality as they had previously. 1940s 1950s World War II came and war movies were the biggest theme for movies of the time. A number of movie stars joined the military and the entire industry did what they could for the war effort. The movie industry cut advertising costs using cheaper paper for posters due to the paper shortage of the war time. The 1950s would see the invention of the movie industrys biggest competitor, the television set. The movie industry came out with bigger screens for large scale movies like Ben Hur, and 3-D movies. Drive-in movies were at their peak, and movie posters adopted a style of the new fan magazines with colour photographs of the major movie stars and large stock lettering. 1960s 1970s Teen movies were the big thing in the early sixties. Beach movies and Elvis Presley ruled the movie theatres. James Bond stirred up the action genre, but by the end of the sixties into the seventies times were a changing and posters reflected this change of attitude towards sex and violence. The 1970s were more of the same as everything changed. Gone were the simple days of Andy Griffith and Mayberry. Hello Dirty Harry! Before the decade was over Clint Eastwood would make our day, we would see gangsters in The Godfather, cheer Sylvester Stallone as Rocky, race off to other parts of the galaxy in Star Wars and Star Trek and be made to believe a man can fly in Superman. Movie posters used photography occasionally using drawing and painting styles. Star Wars and Star Trek posters were the most popular creating collectors out of many today. Movie posters at this time were now being printed on a clay-coated paper which gave them a glossy finish. 1980s 1990s The age of special effects blockbusters, the 1980s broke records with awesome films like The Empire Strikes Back, Return of the Jedi, E.T., more Superman movies, Raiders of the Lost Ark, 2 more Indiana Jones movies, more James Bond movies, Ghostbusters, Batman, Back to the Future, The Terminator, more Rocky movies, and dont forget Rambo. This decade meant more screens per theatre and more advertising material. The mini sheet was invented, and the video store became popular creating the video store poster. The 1990s saw the beginning of new computerization technology used in films like Jurassic Park. Batman was forever until the movie Batman and Robin, Arnold was back, and Independence Day blew away the competition. The one sheet continued to be used for posters as well as the mini sheet. 2000- Today Spider-man has web spun his way into the record books, DVDs are slowly replacing the VHS video, and posters are sold in many stores with reprints of movie posters currently being mass produced. The beginning movie po

Factors Influencing Family Physicians Prescribing Health And Social Care Essay

Due to turning international concern about the quality of ordering in primary attention, research workers and policy shapers have made interventional schemes to better prescribing. Drug outgos are large load and threaten of wellness attention budgets. It is disputing undertaking to better ordering form in medical pattern. The ordering wont by general practician is a complex activity and depends on the interplay of many factors. In recent decennaries, these factors have been shown to act upon household doctor prescribing form ( 1 ) . ( 1 consequence of advertisement ) Analyzing factors associated with household doctors ‘ prescribing is considered to be of high value since high per centum of drugs are prescribed by primary attention doctors. These factors interact in non additive and unpredictable ways ( 2 ) . ( 2 factors act uponing GP Allan ) . As consequence of assorted influences, ordering wont alterations of the single doctor normally occur easy. ( 3 ) ( drug prescription forms Bjerrum ) . For the range of this reappraisal we classify factors associated with household doctors ‘ ordering into four classs. The first class includes factors related to doctors ; age, sex, old ages of experience, and uninterrupted medical instruction. The 2nd class includes factors related pattern scenes ; size of pattern, figure of patients, guidelines and usage of drug pharmacopeia. The 3rd class includes factors related to drugs: advertizement and cost. The 4th class includes factors related to patients ; age, sex, comorbidity and multiple health care suppliers. Therefore, the purpose of this reappraisal is to place and to measure factors impacting household physician ordering behavior. The research inquiry formulated to province, what are the factors impacting household physician ordering behavior.MethodsIn this literature reappraisal we chose loosely inclusive hunt scheme with two phases. In phase one, a hunt has been conducted utilizing the undermentioned cardinal words: â€Å" prescription † , â€Å" prescribing † , â€Å" prescribing forms † ordering attitudes † , â€Å" ordering factors † , â€Å" ordering indexs † , primary attention ordering † and â€Å" GP prescribing † . In 2nd phase, after calculating out the factors associated with doctors ordering forms based on first phase, a 2nd hunt has been conducted utilizing the undermentioned footings â€Å" guidelines and ordering † , â€Å" drug cost † , â€Å" drug advertisement † , â€Å" drug formulary † , â€Å" polypharmacy † , repetition prescriptions † and â€Å" new drug † . We searched midplane, Pub med and Eric from 1990 to 2009. From articles fulfilling preliminary inclusion standards, the mention lists were reviewed. Based on the initial reappraisal our concluding inclusion and exclusion standards were determined. Study Selection The inclusion standards are: a ) articles assessed ordering in primary attention scene, B ) article recovering information from prescription database. We excluded articles written in linguistic communication other than English, surveies that assessed specific drug group or drugs for specific disease. There were no geographic restrictions.ConsequencesWe found 31 surveies that met our standards. All surveies used a database for informations aggregation, 12 and 13 prospective and retrospective surveies severally ( table 1 ) .Factors related to doctor:It has been found that there is a important relation between certain primary attention physician features and their prescribing behaviour. Younger primary attention doctors have higher rates of new drug use. Female sex and recent graduation i.e. less old ages in pattern are associated with high drug use rates ( 4,5,6,7,8,9 ) ( 1, 4,18, 19,31,32 ) .One survey showed that no influence of physician age or figure of old ages in pattern on polyp harmacy in peculiar ( 6 ) ( 18 ) . High prescribers did non differ significantly from low prescribers in age, figure of old ages in pattern, average pattern size or patient age. ( 9 ) ( 32 ) Gill et Al has found no effects of doctor ‘s ethnicity and topographic point of graduation on ordering forms ( 10 ) . ( 2 ) , However, two surveies demonstrated that doctors who were foreign trained tend to hold high prescribing rates and cost ( 9 ) ( 28,32 ) . Besides medical school found to be a factor associated with higher new drug use ( 7 ) ( 19 ) . Continuous medical instruction ( CME ) has an consequence acceleration of new drug acceptance ( 5 ) ( 4 ) . An educational intercession plans improve ordering forms and may ensue in important clinical benefits ( 11,12 ) ( 3, 25 ) . It is besides noticed that ordering wonts are influenced by scientific documents, specialist recommendations and meetings ( 3 ) ( 14 ) . Financial inducement found to hold a impermanent consequence on altering prescription behaviour ( 13 ) ( 26 ) . One survey showed that guidelines had a small consequence on antihypertensive drug usage. ( 14 ) ( 13 ) Adoption of new drug is of import ordering factor. Among five drugs studied Steffensen et Al found hapless understanding between early, intermediate and late prescribers. Late prescribing was associated with female doctors. ( 5 ) ( 4 )Factors related to patternThere is a additive correlativity between the figure of prescribed drugs and figure of general practicians in the pattern ( 15, 16 ) ( 12, 15 ) . Physicians with big pattern prescribed more drugs than those with little pattern ( 4, 16 ) ( 1, 15 ) . In footings of polypharmacy, one survey showed 56 % of ordering fluctuation between general practicians could be explained by forecasters related to pattern construction, work load, clinical work profile and ordering profile ( 17 ) ( 6 ) . It has been noticed that high work load patterns tend to hold a high prescribing rates. ( 4,18 ) ( 1,27 ) , However in patterns with big figure of listed patients, doctors prescribed fewer drugs per patient compared to patterns with low figure of listed patents. ( 6 ) ( 18 ) McCarthy et Al found a important correlativity between the figure of drugs prescribed and the figure of physician working in the pattern. ( 15 ) ( 12 ) The diffusion clip of new drug after its release is longer in partnership pattern compared to individual handed pattern, the average diffusion times are 41 and 119 yearss for partnership and individual handed patterns severally. ( 5 ) ( 4 ) Fee-for-service type of pattern was considered to be associated with higher rates of new drug use. ( 7 ) ( 19 ) . Doctors practising in rural countries and holding high proportion of aged have lower new drugs use rates than those practising in urban countries. ( 7 ) ( 19 ) . Use of drug formulary and agreed verbal prescribing policy had no important association with the figure of drug prescribed. ( 15 ) ( 12 ) . Computerized reminders have some consequence on physician ordering behaviour. ( 19 ) ( 24 )Factors related to drugsDoctors ‘ interaction with drug industry found to get down every bit early as medical school. ( 20 ) ( 373.26 ) .It has been found that every bit many as 80 % of GP ‘s in both partnership and individual handed patterns had prescribed new drug 6 hebdomads and 21 hebdomads after its release severally. ( 5 ) ( 4 ) Tamblyn et Al addressed that the new drugs have 8 to 17 fold differences in use rate, and were prescribed by 1.3 % -22.3 % of doctors. ( 7 ) ( 19 ) . There is a additive relationship between polypharmacy and underprescribing. The higher the figure of the drugs, the higher the estimated chance of underprescribing is. ( 21 ) ( 23 ) . Provision of drug cost information in a computing machine based patient record system was found to hold no consequence on overall prescription drug cost to patients, nevertheless there was differences in single drug categories. It besides has been found that doctors are unfamiliar with the costs ofA medicines they normally prescribe. ( 22 ) ( 33 ) One survey has indicated that a important proportion in volume and costs is straight affected by hospital-initiated prescriptions. ( 9 ) ( 32 ) Repeat ordering accounted for the huge bulk of all points every bit good as prescribing costs. It accounted for 75 % and 81 % of all points and ordering costs severally. ( 23 ) ( 7 ) Among aged patients, the mean prescription was 99.4 % per 100 general practician contacts ; 72.1 % were repeat prescriptions. ( 24 ) ( 17 ) . Ashly et Al has found that ordering and professional behaviour appear to be affected by the present extent of physician-industry interactions. ( 25 ) ( 29 ) Reducing interactions between doctors and pharmaceutical gross revenues representatives has resulted in improved prescribing. ( 8 ) ( 31 )Factors related to patientsThe drug use rate additions with patient ‘s age. Patient ‘s age has more important consequence on drug use rate compared to patient ‘s sex ( 26, 27 ) ( 11, 16 ) . Repeat prescriptions significantly increase with patient ‘s age. It has been found every bit high as 72 – 90 % for patients aged 85 and over ( 23,24 ) ( 7,17 ) . In footings of patient ‘s sex, female patients were found to be given more drug points but less repetition prescription than male patients ( 27 ) ( 16 ) . In aged population, more than 60 % of perennial prescribing was for female patients. ( 24 ) ( 17 ) . Among patients aged 79 and under, female patients were pre scribed to significantly more times than males ( 28 ) ( 9 ) . Buck et Al found that female sex was associated with potentially inappropriate medicines ( 29 ) ( 22 ) . Patients with greater figure of chronic conditions, multiple health care suppliers and multiple clinic visits have higher hazard of developing polypharmacy and relentless polypharmacy ( 30 ) ( 8 ) . Ordering rates every bit good as costs increase with morbidity. ( 31 ) ( 10 ) .DiscussionIn this literature reappraisal we observed that doctors ordering behaviours are affected linearly or reciprocally by many factors. Doctors A important relation has been found between certain physician features and ordering behaviour. The findings that younger male doctors had higher ordering rate may be related to a causal nexus between some physician features, ordering behaviour and patient results. It is non clearly known why sicker patients would seek immature or male doctors, but these doctors may prefer more aggressive intervention than female doctors and older co-workers. ( 4 ) ( 1 ) Higher rates of drug use among younger doctors may be related the leaning for aggressive intercession, more established ordering behaviour in older doctors or targeted selling patterns. ( 32,33 ) ( 19 — -47,48 ) The determination that male doctor had higher rates of new drug use was supported by other surveies. ( 34 ) ( 19 — -8 ) Female sex, little list size, lower diagnostic activity per patient and restrictive attitude toward pharmacotherapy tantrum into topology of conservative doctors. Supported by some surveies, con servative doctors described as being light users of drugs. ( 35, 36 ) ( 4 — -9,19 ) It is surprising that for those doctors who qualified from different states, their ethnicity had no consequence on their prescribing behaviour. ( 10 ) ( 2 ) This could be related to secondary socialisation which occurs in approximately 5 to 6 old ages. ( 37 ) ( 2 — -2 ) Socialization through graduate student preparation and practicing in group pattern alterations ordering behaviour. ( 38 ) ( 2 — — -3 ) There was no direct nexus between postgraduate preparation degree and ordering behaviour. The degree of postgraduate preparation can be a factor in finding how readily physicians accept commercial beginnings of ordering information. Handouts from pharmaceutical companies were rated as really of import or of import beginnings of CME by significantly fewer certified members than non-certified members of the College of Family Physicians of Canada. ( 39 ) ( presc by can — — 59 ) Interventional CME for intervention of chronic diseases for illustration bronchial asthma resulted in some betterment in ordering behaviour. ( 11 ) ( 3 ) CME and other societal facts have been found gas pedals for new drug acceptance. ( 40, 41 ) ( 4 — -9,19 ) It has been suggested that there is a nexus between increasing age, non-attendance at CME classs, and inappropriate prescribing. ( 42 ) ( presc by can — 24 ) . But there was no adequate information, nevertheless, to research this hypothesis farther. Other surveies do non back up this account. ( 43,44, 45 ) ( presc by can 44-47 ) The intent of the execution of clinical guidelines is to better quality of attention. However, surveies have showed that the US National Committee on Prevention, Detection, Evaluation, and Treatment of High Blood Pressure ( JNC ) guidelines apparently had small consequence on the form of antihypertensive drug prescribing. ( 14, 46, 47 ) ( 13, 13 — — 21 ) Two possible grounds, foremost is that doctors may be loath to alter drug therapy because of already good controlled blood force per unit area. Second ground may be that ordering behaviour was influenced by pharmaceutical maker promotional activities. ( 14 ) ( 13 ) Practice Puting Practice puting features have been shown to act upon ordering behaviour. The informations clearly demonstrated a relation between polypharmacy and pattern puting features. Practices with big figure of patients have fewer drugs prescribed per patient compared with patterns with low figure of patients. ( 48, 49 ) ( 18-22,23 ) This determination was consistent with other surveies. ( 6 ) ( 18 ) Busy working doctor were more inclined to order multiple drugs than doctors with low work load. ( 50, 51 ) ( 18 — — 24,25 ) It has been noticed that new drugs have been adopted by partnership patterns faster than unassisted patterns. ( 5 ) ( 4 ) The type of pattern besides influences doctors ‘ usage of drugs. Salaried physicians practising in government-funded community wellness centres had better ordering forms than doctors in fee-for-service group patterns. ( 52 ) ( pres bycan 5 ) Free-for-service patterns were associated with higher rates of new drug use. ( 7 ) ( 19 ) the ma gnitude of this association was non big plenty to anticipate major cost salvaging related to new drug use. ( 53 ) ( 19 — -52 ) . It has been noticed that fee for service patients were more likely to follow JNC guidelines than the patients with wellness care organisation insurance. Therefore, the patients with wellness care organisation insurance had no penchant for promoting their doctors to choose more cost-efficient drugs. In contrast, fee for service patients appeared to hold more penchant for choosing lower cost drugs. ( 14 ) ( 13 ) Although, fiscal inducements represent a non-voluntary scheme to implement alteration in medical pattern, it had a limited, impermanent consequence on the prescribing behaviour. ( 13, 54 ) ( 26, 26 — — -18 ) Working in rural countries influenced ordering behaviour. Lower rates of new drug use among doctors working in rural countries may be due comparative isolation of rural doctors from co-workers who may hold influence in the determination to order new intervention. ( 55 ) ( 19 — — 22 ) Merely one survey concluded that there was no important difference in figure of different drugs prescribed by patterns runing a formulary from that found among patterns with no formulary. This could be due to, that all doctors in those patterns may non follow with the formulary, or pharmacopeias contained a narrow scope of drugs. ( 15 ) ( 12 ) However, this determination was non supported by other surveies. The usage of pharmacopeia has been found to act upon ordering behaviours and cut down costs. ( 56, 57 ) ( 12 — -1,3 ) Drugs There are many factors related to drugs that may act upon physician prescribing behaviour. Early usage of new drugs may non be compatible with appropriate prescribing. Newness should non be seen as a virtuousness in a pharmaceutical merchandise and that it is important that physicians think more carefully before ordering a new drug. ( 58 ) ( presc by can ) Small proportion of doctors prescribed new drugs even for drugs that were known as supplying significant betterment over bing intervention. ( 7,59 ) ( 19, 19 — -8 ) Costss of wellness attention are escalated by increased disbursement and usage of prescription medicines. There was no adequate grounds that physicians ordering behaviors affected by consciousness of drug cost ( 60 ) ( 20 ) . It may be that physician ordering behavior isA insensitive to be information. other factors such as drugA efficaciousness, , patient conformity, side effects and peer recommendationsA may be more of import. ( 61 ) ( 20 — -5 ) Particul arly for chronic attention medicationsA that have proven to be effectual for an single patient, A cost may be a minor factor. However, several studiesA have shownA that instruction of doctors about drug monetary values can alter prescribingA behavior and cut down cost by bettering selectionA of cost-efficient drug intervention. ( 62,63,64 ) ( 33-18,19,20 ) In qualitative surveies drug monetary value was a perennial subject and was mentioned as the chief ground for taking first line intervention. Price was besides mentioned as the ground for drug switch. ( 2 ) ( factors Allan ) It has been noted that when doctors were cognizant that patients would hold to pay out of their ain pockets for prescriptions, or they learned from patients ‘ ailments to them, they modified their prescribing behaviour consequently. ( 58 ) ( pres by can ) At primary attention degree, every bit high as two tierces of all prescriptions were repeated. One possible ground may be the impact of infirmary prescribing in volume was most obvious with repetition prescriptions for patients with chronic upsets. ( 9 ) ( 32 ) Second possible ground is that big proportion of repetition prescription issued during indirect contact. ( 24 ) ( 17 ) In UK survey, it has been found that 23 % of the patients had been having repetition prescriptions for more than a twelvemonth without seeing their household doctors. ( 65 ) ( 17 — -2 ) Practices with high figure of patients on repetition prescriptions were found to hold an increased hazard of polypharmacy. It has been noticed that patterns utilizing a broad scope of different drugs had a high prevalence of polypharmacy. ( 66 ) ( 18 — -31 ) Doctors ‘ beginnings of information about pharmaceutical agents are likely to be a major factor in ordering behaviour. The drug representatives visited doctors on frequent bases utilizing a broad assortment of promotional techniques including drug samples, gifts, and educational stuffs. Accepting drug samples was associated with penchant and prescription of new drug ( 25,67 ) ( 29, 29-40 ) In one survey, it has been found that 85 % of medical pupils believe it is improper for politicians to accept a gift, whereas 46 % found it improper for themselves to accept gift of similar value from a pharmaceutical company. ( 68 ) ( 29 — -9 ) All educational stuffs sponsored by pharmaceutical industries including support for travel or lodging to go to educational symposia, industry-paid Meals, pharmaceutical representative talkers, CME sponsorship and honoraria, research support influenced prescribing. ( 25 ) ( 29 ) The determination that advertising on clinical package had small consequence on ordering behavior was similar to other surveies consequences when analyzing the relationship between ordering and advertising in diary. One survey found no relation between the advertisement and for a drug and the sum and prescribing by doctors. ( 69 ) ( 5 — -11 ) Patients It is sensible that patterns with high proportion of aged patient had high rates of drug use. The observation that some of patterns had sicker patients than others ; this observation may be due to that sicker patients chose specific patterns or physician ordering behavior may hold made their patients sicker. ( 4 ) ( 1 ) It is non clear why sicker patients chose peculiar patterns. One survey has found that patterns with high proportion of aged patients were associated with greater likeliness of prescribing of new drugs, but lower new drug use. It has been suggested that doctors faced patients with coexisting disease. ( 70, 71 ) ( 19-53,54 ) The determination that patients in the distant parts had low prevalence of drug prescribing may hold been because of limited entree to medical services. ( 72 ) ( Quesinable presc ) Females were prescribed more medicines than males. When gender-specific medicines are excluded the differences are less marked. ( 73 ) ( 9-16 ) When female-specific cura tive groupings and interventions are removed, differences still exist between male and female prescribing.DecisionsDoctors ordering behavior appears to be influenced by multiple factors. Majority of surveies in this reappraisal retrieve their informations from wellness database. However, these comprehensive wellness databases have no information on the indicants for drug intervention or ascertainment of comorbidity that may hold affect ordering behaviour. Therefore, properties of the pattern population demand to be considered as possible prejudices. Data is missing on combination of each factor to patient outcomes, this spread in the literature needs to be addressed. Therefore, it is hard to mensurate the rightness of doctors ordering. Physicians ordering behaviour can be improved by execution of easy progressing alterations. Finally, ordering is a clinical determination ; surveies ; of clinical determination devising are about people, behaviour and contexts. They need both quantita tive and qualitative attacks. Davidson et al. , 1995 Canada 336 general patterns Gill et al. , 1997 United kingdom 310 general practicians Denig et al.,1998 Nederlands 181 general practicians Steffenson et al. , 1999 Danmark 95 general practicians Handerson et al. , 2008 Astralia 1336 general practicians Bjerrum et ak. , 2000 Danmark 173 general practicians Harris et al. , 1996 United kingdom 115 general patterns Chon et al. , 2009 Taiwan 11338 prescriptions Mortin et al. , 2002 Newzeland 31 general patterns McGavock et al. , 1988 United kingdom 23 general patterns Fernandez et al. , 2008 Spain 5474274 prescription McCarthy et Al 1992 United kingdom 362 general practioners Guo et al. , 2003 USA 7.3 million prescriptions Bjerrum et al. , 2002 Danmark Bjerrum et al. , 2001 Danmark 173 general practioners Rberts et al. , 1993 United kingdom 90 general patterns Straand et al. , 1999 Norway 1677 prescriptions Bjerrum et al. , 1999 Danmark 173 general patterns Tamblyn et ak. , 2003 Canada 1661 general practicians Omstein etal. , 1999 USA 22883 prescriptions Grimmsmann et al. , 2009 Germany 730 general patterns Buck et al. , 2009 USA 61251 patients Kuijpers et al. , 2008 Nederlands 150 patients Martens et al. , 2007 Nederlands 53 general practicians Straand et al. , 2006 Norway 600 general practicians

Saussure and Derrida

A science that studies the life of signs within society is conceivable; . . . I shall call it semiology (from Greek semeion ‘sign'). Semiology would show what constitutes signs, what laws govern them. Since the science does not yet exist, no one can say what it would be. . . . (Saussure, 1960:16) In this statement Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913), the twentieth-century father of the science of signs, presents his theory about language and gives a Greek name. This enterprise has considerably affected most discussions about language and of interpretation since its inauguration. Saussure presents the linguistic system as the place of the sign. Signs don't exist apart from a system. And it is every time a system of differences. Unavoidably, the theory of signs leads Saussure to the theory of language as system. Later, Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) discovers the logocentric dynamic in Saussure's new theory. Referring to the father of structural linguistics and semiology, Derrida leads readers beyond Saussure toward a poststructuralist future. It is this logocentrism which, limiting the internal system of language in general by a bad abstraction, prevents Saussure and the majority of his successors from determining fully and explicitly that which is called ‘the integral and concrete object of linguistics† (Cours 23). Both Ferdinand de Saussure – father of 20th-century linguistics and Jacques Derrida – founder of deconstruction made profound impact upon language theory; their ideas laid the basis for considerable developments in linguisti cs in the 20th century. Saussure on Language In itself, thought is like a swirling cloud, where no shape is intrinsically determinate. No ideas are established in advance, and nothing is distinct, before the introduction of linguistic structure. [†¦] Just as it is impossible to take a pair of scissors and cut one side of paper without at the same time cutting the other, so it is impossible in a language to isolate sound from thought, or thought from sound. To separate the two for theoretical purposes takes us into either pure psychology or pure phonetics, not linguistics. Linguistics, then, operates along this margin, where sound and thought meet. The contact between them gives rise to a form, not a substance (Cours 155-7). This impressive statement from the posthumously published Cours de linguistique generale of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) introduces readers in what was later called as a ‘Copernican revolution' in Western thought relating to language. Why ‘Copernican’? Because just as Copernicus had asserted that the Earth revolved around the Sun, instead of the Sun revolving around the Earth, Saussure asserts something similar on the subject of language. His theory claimed that languages are the instruments that give human beings opportunity to achieve a rational understanding of the world in which they live. Rather than considering words as mere addition to human comprehension of reality, Saussure considered comprehension of reality as depending substantially upon human use of the verbal signs that form the language people use. Language is not secondary but, quite the reverse, central to human life. As a result, human life is linguistically constructed life. Saussure's theory goes far beyond the traditional theory of language as something communicated. It also goes beyond Locke's theory of words as symbols that stand for ideas. Many linguistic philosophers had claimed that without language human reason would be lacking its principal instrument of transformation ideas into words. But Saussure's theory goes further and deeper. Saussure indicates the phonetic and conceptual aspects of language. Linguistics was for Saussure only one subdivision of a relating to various branches science of signs that he proposed to call ‘semiology' (semiologie). Each branch of semiology had a theory of the signs which it studied. Consequently, linguistics would need a theory of the linguistic sign, the fundamental unit of langue. Such a theory of language Saussure proceeds to offer. As his paper-cutting analogy shows, he deals with the linguistic sign as a unit determined merely by its form. Its form has two facets, or ‘opposite sides'. The Saussurean technical identifications for these two facets of the sign are signifiant and signifie (the ‘signifying' plane and the ‘signified' plane) (Matthews 21). Every langue includes semiological system of bi-planar signs. Each sign has its signifiant and its signifie. Despite the fact that each plane may, for convenience, be analyzed one by one, no linguistic sign can be determined without considering both planes that are equally important. The published in 1916 text of the Cours faithfully reflects Saussure's theory about language. That text became the subsequent chapter in the history of ideas about language theory. The text became a cornerstone of modern linguistic theory, as well as the public declaration of a more general intellectual movement of the 20th century that had effect on such diverse disciplines as psychology, social anthropology and literary criticism. This all-round movement is today known as ‘structuralism'. The whole question that the Saussurean theory of linguistic structure gives rise is this: ‘If our langue is a structure, then a structure of what exactly? ‘ (Matthews 69) Saussure's answer to this question is problematic. He identified langue as being at the same time a structure of the mental operations of the human beings, and also a structure of the communicational processes by means of which human beings perform their roles as a cultural constitution. So langue is finally supra-individual in the relation that it is placed in society and depends for its existence on cultural relations; yet it assumes in each individual the power of an internally created system of linguistic signs. More exactly, langue, Saussure claims, ‘is never complete in any single individual, but exists perfectly only in the collectivity' (Cours 30). Derrida’s Theory of Language The theory of language to which Derrida wants to turn attention is connected with the method linguistic meaning is produced. More exactly, the method what there is of linguistic meaning and nonmeaning in their interconnection is presented. Derrida, in his theory of deconstruction, presents the same structure for both the process of nonaesthetic negativity and the process of aesthetic negativity. â€Å"Deconstruction† is connected with an analysis of the theory of language that, similar to the process of aesthetic negativity, discovers within this theory the seeds of its own downfall. Derrida presents a theory of meaning that reflects the idea of the â€Å"iterability† of signs and what he calls their â€Å"supplementary† status. Jonathan Culler summarized Derrida's central idea in this regard in the following way: Our earlier formula, â€Å"meaning is context-bound, but context is boundless,† helps us recall why both projects fail: meaning is context-bound, so intentions do not in fact suffice to determine meaning; context must be mobilized. But context is boundless, so accounts of context never provide full determinations of meaning. Against any set of formulations, one can imagine further possibilities of context, including the expansion of context produced by reinscription within a context of the description of it (Menke 96). Considering Culler's interpretation, Derrida's thesis of the uncircumventable proclivity of language for crisis is based on the difference between what one expects context to offer and what it can really do, when correctly viewed. The nonetheless inevitable recourse to context in the determination of meaning thus results in a crisis for every attempt to comprehend language. What is supposed to generate definitiveness is itself unlimited and thus the source of unmanaged difference. Derrida’s general thesis thus is based on the idea that the understanding of the meaning of signs can only function in a context-bound way. At the same time that contexts cannot define the meaning of signs since they are themselves boundless. The boundlessness that meaning opens itself to in its context-boundedness is in no way eo ipso the boundlessness of a difference that is inconsistent with any identity of meaning (Menke 90). Derrida himself realizes his argument that a â€Å"thousand possibilities will always remain open even if one understands something in this phrase that makes sense† (Menke 96) in an equivocal fashion. On the one hand this idea means: every sign can function in different and boundlessly many contexts. This is precisely what determines the iterability of signs: their reusability in contexts that are not actually those in which they were first placed. The usability of signs in boundlessly many contexts in itself, though, in no way is opposite to the definitiveness of its use and meaning as determined by rules of language. Although one might note, with Derrida, that the deconstruction of logocentrism is a search for â€Å"the other of language† (Derrida 1984, 123), this does not contribute to the statement that deconstruction is originally concerned with a linguistic theory. This is first and foremost the question of the concrete instance, of â€Å"the other, which is beyond language† (Derrida 1984,123). Far, then, from being a philosophy that according to its critics, states that there is nothing beyond language and that one is confined within language, deconstruction can be considered as a response. â€Å"Deconstruction is, in itself, a positive response to an alterity which necessarily calls, summons or motivates it. Deconstruction is therefore vocation – a response to a call† (Derrida 1984,118). Derrida claims that the character of deconstruction is not solely positive, that is not merely an assertion of what already exists and is known, but that it is an assertion of what is wholly other (tout autre) (Derrida 1992, 27). Derrida claims that difference is not something that can appear in logocentric discourse: â€Å"differance is not,† Derrida explains, â€Å"preceded by the originary and indivisible unity of a present possibility that I could reserve†¦. What defers presence, on the contrary, is the very basis on which presence is announced or desired in what represents it, its sign, its trace†¦. Differance is â€Å"that which produces different things, that which differentiates, is the common root of all the oppositional concepts that mark our language†¦ † (Positions, 89). Differance is neither structure nor origin, â€Å"such an alternative itself being an ‘effect' of differance. † Even so, studying the operations of differance requires that the writer use such concepts as structure and origin and â€Å"borrow the syntaxic and lexical resources of the language of metaphysics† even if the writer wishes to deconstruct this language ( Positions, pp. -10). Derrida indicates that differance is not an origin. Neither language nor writing springs in differance. Instead, Derrida says, differance allows the play of absence and presence, writing and thought, structure and force by means of which the question of origin comes to know itself. Saussure and Derrida Exactly at this point one is faced with one of the most problematic though fascinating dimensions of Derrida's theory. The problem, stated above, is that, as soon as it is recognized that there are no simple, unsignified, transcendental signifiers that fix and warrant the meaning of the words, that there exist no originals to which the words can be attributed, one comes to conditions where even this acknowledgement itself seems to have become â€Å"floating† (May 125). Derrida resolves this difficult situation with the help of above discussed theory of signs and of language developed by Ferdinand de Saussure. Despite the idea that language is in a fundamental way a naming process, attaching words to things, Saussure had claimed that language is a system, or a structure. In the structure any individual element is meaningless outside the boundaries of that structure. In language, he asserts, there are only differences. But – and here the ideas of Saussure are basic for Derrida's deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence – these differences are not differences between positive terms, that is between terms that in and by themselves are connected with objects or things outside the system. Accordingly, in language, Saussure indicates, there are only differences without positive terms (May 127). But if this is true, if there are no positive terms, then it means that one can no longer define the differential position of language itself by means of a positive term either. Difference without positive terms indicates that this dimension must itself always be left unperceived for, roughly speaking, it is unconceptualizable. It is a difference that cannot be returned into the order of the same and, through a signifier, given individual characteristics. This suggests, then, that â€Å"the play of difference, which, as Saussure reminded us, is the condition for the possibility and functioning of every sign, is in itself a silent play† (Derrida 1982, 5). If, however, one wants to articulate that – one must first of all admit that there can never be a word or a concept to correspond to this silent play. One must also admit that this play cannot merely be exposed, for â€Å"one can expose only that which at a certain moment can become present† (Derrida 1982, 5). And one must ultimately admit that there is nowhere to begin, â€Å"for what is put into question is precisely the quest for a rightful beginning, an absolute point of departure† (Derrida 1982, 6). All this, and more, is acknowledged in the new â€Å"word† or â€Å"concept† – â€Å"which is neither a word nor a concept† (Derrida 1982:7) but a â€Å"neographism† (Derrida 1982:13) – of differance. The motive why Derrida uses â€Å"what is written as difference† (Derrida 1982, 11) is not difficult to understand. For although â€Å"the play of difference† (Derrida 1982, 11) is introduced as something for the opportunity of all conceptuality, one should not make the mistaken opinion to think that one has finally discovered the real origin of conceptuality. That, expressing the same idea but differently, this play is a playful but despite that transcendental signified. Strictly speaking, in order to avoid this mistake one must acknowledge that the differences that make up the play of difference â€Å"are themselves effects† (Derrida 1982:11, original emphasis). As Derrida claims, What is written as differance, then, will be the playing movement that â€Å"produces† – by means of something that is not simply an activity – these differences, these effects of difference. This does not mean that the differance that produces differences is somehow before them, in a simple and unmodified – in-different – present. Differance is the non-full, non-simple, structured and differentiating origin of differences. Thus, the name â€Å"origin† no longer suits. (Derrida 1982, 11) Although differance is straightforwardly connected with a structuralist idea of meaning – that Derrida recognizes when he indicates that he sees no reason to question the truth of what Saussure proposes (Derrida 1976, 39), there is one important aspect in which differance is outside the scope of structuralism. The point here is that Derrida clearly refuses to accept the primary character of structure itself. Structure is not a transcendental represented (for which reason Derrida notes that he does not want to question the truth of what Saussure proposes â€Å"on the level on which he says it [original emphasis] â€Å"but does want to question the logocentric way in which Saussure says it (Derrida 1976, 39). Structure is even less the effect of an original presence coming before and causing it (Derrida 1978, 278-9). What differance tries to express is the differential character of the â€Å"origin† of structure itself. It is in this relation that one might observe that Derrida's writing is poststructural. To some degree, surely, differance appears when Saussure's examination of how language operates. â€Å"In language,† Saussure indicates, â€Å"there are only differences. Even more important: a difference generally implies positive terms between which the difference is set up; but in language there are only differences without positive terms† (Positions, 120). Derrida's differance in an obvious manner is like Saussure's differences. At the end of Positions, for instance, Derrida specifies â€Å"as differance the movement according to which language, or any other code, any system of reference in general, is constituted ‘historically' as a tissue of differences† (Positions, 104). But Derrida makes an effort to go further. Whereas Saussure considers the differences in a semiotic system as the set of constantly changing relationships the speaker manipulates in order to produce meaning, Derrida defines differance as the boundless disappearance of either an origin of or a final place for meaning. When Derrida describes differance, he always does so by examining what it is not. Rather than considering language in the traditional way, as a set of external signs of already farmed internal thoughts (characteristic of â€Å"logocentrism†), Derrida, like Saussure and modern linguistics, thinks of users of language producing coded, that is, repeatable, marks or traces that originate from within certain unities of meaning as â€Å"effects† of the code. These traces are not fundamentally meaningful in themselves but â€Å"arbitrary† and â€Å"conventional† (Menke 96). Thus there is no difference whether one says â€Å"rex,† â€Å"rol,† or â€Å"king† so long as â€Å"we† – those who share these conventions – can tell the difference between rex and lex, roi and loi, and king and sing (Menke 96). The meaning – is a process of the difference, of the distance or the â€Å"spacing† between the traces, what is called, in an absolutely serious way, the â€Å"play† of differences or traces. By the â€Å"play of differences† Derrida defines the differential spacing, the recognized distance, the recognized (heard, seen) intervals between traces first analyzed in structural linguistics (Menke 97). Conclusion A comprehensive historical examination of deconstruction would necessarily include numerous precursors and forerunners: Freud, Hegel, Heidegger, Husserl, Lacan, Levi-Strauss, Marx, Nietzsche, Saussure. . . . However, it can be said that the history of contemporary deconstruction begins with Jacques Derrida De la grammatologie (1967) that opens with a critique of Saussure. Saussure’s theory of language is here framed within a metaphysical system that extends from Plato and Aristotle to Heidegger and Levi-Strauss. By Derrida this theory is called â€Å"logocentric. † Saussure marks a concluding stage of the long logocentric epoch. Derrida indicates that logocentrism imposed itself upon the world and controlled the theory of language. Derrida’s contributions laid ground for future epoch. In the role of prophet, Derrida concludes his â€Å"Exergue† indicating: â€Å"The future can only be anticipated in the form of an absolute danger. It is that which breaks absolutely with constituted normality and can only be proclaimed, presented, as a sort of monstrosity. For that future world and for that within it which will have put into question the values of sign, word, and writing, for that which guides our future anterior, there is as yet no exergue† (Derrida 1967).

SAT Score Chart Raw ScoreConversionto Scaled Score

SAT Score Chart Raw ScoreConversionto Scaled Score SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips You may be wondering how your SAT score is determined. Where does that score of 200-800 on each section of the SAT come from? What does your SAT score mean? Or, maybe you're familiar with the concept of raw scores, but you don't know how your raw score is converted into a scaled score. Hopefully, this article will answer your questions and clear up any confusion. In this post, I'll clarifythe difference between raw scores and scaled scores and provide charts that show theSAT raw score conversion to scaled score. Furthermore, I'll explain why the data from these SAT score charts can be helpful to you in your SAT preparation. What Is a Raw Score? Your raw score for each section is calculated from the number of questions you answered correctly and incorrectly. For every question you answer correctly on the SAT, you receive one point. For every question you answer incorrectly on the SAT, you receive minus  ¼ point, with the exception of grid-ins in the Math section, for which you receive zero points for wrong answers. For every question you skip on the SAT, you receive zero points. The maximum raw score varies for each section. For Critical Reading, there are 67 questions; therefore, the max raw score is 67. For Math, there are 54 questions; the max raw score is 54. For Writing, there are 49 questions and 1 essay. The maximum multiple-choice raw score is 49 and the maximum essay score is 12. What Is a Scaled Score? The scaled score is the score from 200-800 you receive on each section of the SAT. Your scaled score is determined from the raw score through a process that the College Board calls equating. Equating â€Å"ensures that the different forms of the test or the level of ability of the students with whom you are tested do not affect your score. Equating makes it possible to make comparisons among test takers who take different editions of the test across different administrations.† Therefore, your scaled score is not dependent on the difficulty of the test or the skill level of the students who take your edition of the test. The College Board doesn’t release its formula for equating, but it does periodically release scoring charts to convert raw scores to scaled scores. The scoring charts change slightly for each edition of the test, but they remain somewhat consistent. Why Is This Data Important? How Can It Help You? From your target scaled score, you can get a rough idea of how many questions you need to answer correctly on each section to reach your goal. For example, if you want to get a 750 on Critical Reading, you need to get a raw score of about 62. Therefore, you can only get about 4 questions wrong or omit 5 questions to reach your target score.Having this knowledge can inform your guessing and study strategies. If you’re aiming for a 600, focus on the easy and medium level difficulty questions. To get a 600 in Reading, you only need a raw score of about 46 out of 67. This means that you can skip 12 questions, get 7 wrong, and still get a 600. Therefore, if your target score is a 600, don’t waste time on the most difficult, time-consuming questions. You can skip the hardest 20% of questions and still reach your target score. Also, you'll see that the math curve is very harsh. For most tests, you have to answer every single question correctly to get an 800. Finally, the essay has a big impact on your Writing score. It counts for almost â…“ of your Writing score. If you get a multiple-choice raw score of 45 and an essay score of 12, your scaled score is about a 760. If you get the same raw score, but an essay score of 7, your scaled score is about a 670. If you can master the SAT essay, you’ll be well on your way to reaching your Writing goal. Raw Score to Scaled Score Conversion Charts Belowis a sample SAT conversion chart released by the College Board. Remember that SAT scorecharts change for each edition of the test, but the changes are usually not that drastic. For example, a raw score of 46 in Math converted to a scaled score of 660 on the January 2010 and 2011 editions of the SAT. However, in May 2011 and 2009, a 46 in Math converted to a 680. Critical Reading Raw Score Scaled Score 2014 Percentile 67 800 99 66 800 99 65 800 99 64 790 99 63 770 99 62 760 99 61 740 98 60 730 97 59 720 96 58 700 96 57 690 95 56 680 94 55 670 92 54 670 92 53 660 91 52 650 90 51 640 89 50 630 86 49 620 84 48 620 84 47 610 82 46 600 80 45 600 80 44 590 78 43 580 75 42 570 73 41 570 73 40 560 70 39 550 67 38 550 67 37 540 64 36 530 61 35 530 61 34 520 57 33 520 57 32 510 54 31 500 51 30 500 51 29 490 48 28 480 44 27 480 44 26 470 41 25 460 37 24 460 37 23 450 35 22 440 31 21 440 31 20 430 28 19 420 25 18 410 22 17 410 22 16 400 19 15 390 17 14 380 15 13 380 15 12 370 13 11 360 11 10 350 9 9 340 8 8 330 7 7 320 5 6 310 5 5 300 4 4 290 3 3 270 2 2 260 2 1 240 1 0 220 1 -1 210 1 -2 or below 200 Charts are fun. Math Raw Score Scaled Score 2014 Percentile 54 800 99 53 790 99 52 760 97 51 740 96 50 720 95 49 710 94 48 700 93 47 690 92 46 680 90 45 670 89 44 660 87 43 650 86 42 640 84 41 640 84 40 630 82 39 620 80 38 610 77 37 600 75 36 590 73 35 590 73 34 580 71 33 570 68 32 560 66 31 550 62 30 540 59 29 540 59 28 530 56 27 520 53 26 510 50 25 500 46 24 490 44 23 480 41 22 480 41 21 470 37 20 460 34 19 450 31 18 440 28 17 430 25 16 420 22 15 420 22 14 410 19 13 400 17 12 390 15 11 380 13 10 370 11 9 360 9 8 350 8 7 330 6 6 320 5 5 310 4 4 290 2 3 280 2 2 260 1 1 240 1 0 220 1- -1 200 -2 and below 200 Charts are really fun. Writing Essay Score Raw Score 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 0 49 800 800 800 790 770 750 740 720 710 700 680 670 48 800 800 780 760 740 720 710 690 680 670 650 640 47 790 770 760 740 720 700 690 670 660 640 630 620 46 770 750 740 720 700 680 670 650 640 630 610 600 45 760 740 720 710 690 670 650 640 630 610 590 580 44 740 730 710 700 670 660 640 620 610 600 580 570 43 730 720 700 680 660 640 630 620 600 590 570 560 42 720 700 690 670 650 630 620 600 590 570 560 550 41 710 690 680 660 640 620 610 590 580 560 550 540 40 700 680 670 650 630 610 600 580 570 550 540 530 39 690 680 660 640 620 600 590 570 560 550 530 520 38 680 670 650 630 610 600 580 560 550 540 520 510 37 670 660 640 630 610 590 570 550 540 530 510 500 36 660 650 630 620 600 580 560 550 530 520 500 490 35 660 640 620 610 590 570 550 540 530 510 490 480 34 650 630 620 600 580 560 550 530 520 500 490 480 33 640 620 610 590 570 550 540 520 510 490 480 470 32 630 620 600 580 560 540 530 510 500 490 470 460 31 620 610 590 580 550 540 520 500 490 480 460 450 30 610 600 580 570 550 530 510 500 480 470 450 440 29 610 580 570 560 540 520 500 490 480 460 440 430 28 600 580 570 550 530 510 490 480 470 450 440 430 27 590 570 560 540 520 500 490 470 460 440 430 420 26 580 570 550 530 510 490 480 460 450 440 420 410 25 570 560 540 530 500 490 470 450 440 430 410 400 24 560 550 530 520 500 480 460 450 430 420 400 390 23 560 540 520 510 490 470 450 440 430 410 390 380 22 550 530 520 500 480 460 450 430 420 400 390 380 21 540 520 510 490 470 450 440 420 410 390 380 370 20 530 520 500 480 460 440 430 410 400 390 370 360 19 520 510 490 480 460 440 420 410 390 380 360 350 18 520 500 480 470 450 430 410 400 390 370 350 340 17 510 490 480 460 440 420 410 390 380 360 350 340 16 500 490 470 450 430 410 400 380 370 360 340 330 15 490 480 460 450 430 410 390 370 360 350 330 320 14 490 470 450 440 420 400 380 370 360 340 320 310 13 480 460 450 430 410 390 380 360 350 330 320 310 12 470 460 440 420 400 380 370 350 340 330 310 300 11 460 450 430 420 400 380 360 350 330 320 300 290 10 460 440 420 410 390 370 350 340 330 310 290 280 9 450 430 420 400 380 360 350 330 320 300 290 280 8 440 430 410 390 370 350 340 320 310 300 280 270 7 430 420 400 390 360 350 330 310 300 290 270 260 6 420 410 390 380 360 340 320 310 290 280 260 250 5 410 400 380 370 350 330 310 300 280 270 250 240 4 400 390 370 360 340 320 300 290 270 260 240 230 3 390 380 360 350 330 310 290 280 260 250 230 220 2 380 370 350 330 310 290 280 260 250 240 220 210 1 370 350 340 320 300 280 260 250 240 220 210 200 0 350 340 320 300 280 260 250 240 220 210 200 200 -1 330 320 300 290 270 250 230 220 200 200 200 200 -2 310 300 280 270 250 230 210 200 200 200 200 200 -3 310 290 280 260 240 220 210 200 200 200 200 200 Writing Scaled Score 2014 Percentile 800 99+ 790 99 780 99 770 99 760 99 750 98 740 98 730 98 720 97 710 96 700 96 690 95 680 94 670 93 660 92 650 91 640 89 630 88 620 86 610 84 600 82 590 80 580 78 570 76 560 74 550 71 540 68 530 65 520 62 510 59 500 56 490 53 480 49 470 46 460 42 450 39 440 35 430 32 420 29 410 25 400 22 3901 19 380 17 370 14 360 12 350 10 340 8 330 7 320 6 310 5 290 4 280 3 270 3 260 2 250 2 240 2 230 1 220 1 210 1 200 What's Next? Now that you've seen the SAT score chart, find out what's considered a good and bad SAT score. Also, find out how many questions you can miss to get a perfect SAT score. Want to improve your SAT score by 240 points?We've written a guide about the top 5 strategies you must be using to have a shot at improving your score. Download it for free now:

Stephen King essays

Stephen King essays Stephen Edwin King is one of today's most popular and best selling writers. King combines the elements of psychological thrillers, science fiction, the paranormal, and detective themes into his stories. In addition to these themes, King sticks to using great and vivid detail that is set in a realistic everyday place. Stephen King who is mainly known for his novels, has broadened his horizons to different types of writings such as movie scripts, nonfiction, autobiographies, children's books, and short stories. King's works are so powerful because he uses his experience and observations from his everyday life gives them his unique twist Stephen Edwin King was born in Portland, Maine, on September 21, 1947, at the Maine General Hospital. Stephen, his mother Nellie, and his adopted brother David were left to fend for themselves when Stephen's father Donald, a Merchant Marine captain, left one day, to go the store to buy a pack of cigarettes, and never returned. His fathers leaving had a big indirect impact on King's life. In the autobiographical work Danse Macabre, Stephen King recalls how his family life was altered: "After my father took off, my mother, struggled, and then landed on her feet. My brother and I didn't see a great deal of her over the next nine years. She worked a succession of continuous low paying jobs." While young, Stephen King and his family moved around the North Eastern and Central United States. When he was seven years old, they moved to Stratford, Connecticut. Here is where King got his first exposure to horror. One evening he listened to the radio adaptation of Ray Bradbury's story "Mars Is Heaven!" That night King recalls he "slept in the doorway, where the real and rational light of the bathroom bulb could shine on my face" (Beaham 16). Stephen King's exposure to oral storytelling on the radio had a large impact on his later writings. King tells his stories in visual terms so that the reader would be abl...